Sunday, January 31, 2010

Public Health System in India


Public health system in India suffers from many problems which includes insufficient funding, shortage of facilities leading to overcrowding and severe shortage of trained health personnel. There is also lack of accountability in the public health delivery mechanisms. These are some of the reasons which have placed India at the lowest rank in the Human Development Index. India however holds top position in migration of physicians to developed countries like UK and the US. According to Planning Commission the country has a shortfall of six lakh doctors, 10 lakh nurses and two lakh dental surgeons. This has led to a dismal patient-doctor ratio in the country. For every 10,000 Indians, there is just one doctor.
The much publicized National Urban Health Mission is yet to see the light of day. The scheme plans to monitor and improve the health of 22 crore people living in urban slums in 429 cities and towns. It was to be launched mid 2008 but the mission is yet to become functional.NURM is aimed at providing accessible, affordable, effective and reliable primary health care facilities especially to urban poor. Even for NHRM there is limited progress due to lack of standardization of medical facilities.
Female feticide continues to tarnish India�s image.The child sex ratio (0-6 years) was 945 (1991 census) and this declined to 927 girls per thousand boys (in 2001 census).The figures are alarming in prosperous states like Punjab(798),Haryana (819),Chandigarh (845),Delhi (868),Gujarat (883) and Himachal Pradesh (896).


Number of PHCs,CHC and SCs

Year

CHC

PHC

SC

2007

4,045

22,370

1, 45,272

Infant Mortality Rate

Year

Rural

Urban

Total

2007

61

37

55

Number of Health Care Workers

Year

Doctors at PHCs

Specialists at PHC

Health workers

Health workers

Male

Female

2007

22,608

5,117

62,881

1, 47,439

Higher wages make Kerala the new 'Gulf' for migrant labourers


The high wages, Rs.250-300 a day, for unskilled labour in the construction sector seems to be the main attraction for migrant labourers, say officials and manpower recruitment agencies.The last study on 'Migration in India' by the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) in 2001, estimated the number at one million.While there are around two million Keralites working in the Gulf and many in various parts of India and abroad, the state faces labour shortage in its booming construction sector and the traditional agriculture sector.It is this high wage rate that is attracting labourers here. Kerala is a 'Gulf' for them. In their native place many earn as little as Rs.50 as daily wages while it is Rs.250 or more here.
Migrant labourers from the neighbouring state of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka have been in the state for a long time. In recent years the state has been witnessing an increased influx of workers from Orissa and West Bengal.On Kerala attracting migrant labourers when the unemployment rate remains high, recruiters say the migrant labourers cost less than the locals.According to the labour department, the average wage fixed for construction workers in Kerala is Rs 232.63.There are different norms for different items of work in the construction sector.
The officials say it is extremely difficult to maintain a close surveillance on the employment of migrant labourers. The labour contractors are required to take a licence to deploy migrant labour. They also have to make a refundable deposit of Rs.1,000 - Rs.2,000 per labourer with the department. This would help us keep track of labour migration. But when migrant labourers come on their own, it is near impossible to know how many are employed here. So the migration is a serious thing that had to be considered by officials to solve this issue.




Trash and Recycling

PHILADELPHIA - Last year 4.7 million students and 1.1 million faculty and staff from 510 participating campuses collectively recycled or composted just over 69.4 million pounds of waste during the 10-week RecycleMania competition.This "friendly" competition pits colleges and universities in a contest with cross town rivals and schools across the nation to see who can reduce, reuse, and recycle the most campus waste. It offers bragging rights and special awards made out of recycled materials to the winning schools.Registration for the competition runs now through January 14, 2010 and is open to students, student organizations, staff, faculty or facility managers at degree-granting colleges and universities and runs now through January 14, 2010. Registration is fast and easy and can be done online at www.recyclemania.org or by contacting the RecycleMania helpline at (843) 278-7686.The contest begins January 17 and continues through March 27, 2010. RecycleMania uses the competitive spirit and campus rivalries to motivate students who might not respond to other environmental messages. Though many schools have had recycling and waste prevention programs for years, studies have found that large volumes of recyclables still end up in the trash. RecycleMania raises both awareness and, at in excess of 80 percent of participating schools, increases recycling levels.

HUGE ELECTRICITY GENERATION FROM SUNLIGHT

JAIPUR: The Clinton Climate Initiative (CCI), a programme of US-based William J Clinton Foundation, has joined hands with Rajasthan government to set up solar parks in the state. Each solar park will serve as a concentrated zone of solar development in Rajasthan and will included 3000 to 5000 Megawatts of solar generation as well as manufacturing over a period of time. “CCI will provide technical and other support to develop these parks. The project envisages an integrated solar city where in all the raw materials including glass and panels will be produced by them, bringing down the cost substantially. They are expecting to attract an investment of over Rs 50,000 crore from these project in next five years,” said a senior government official. Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot said that the agreement signed between State Government and Clinton Foundation would help the state to receive more benefits of Jawahar Lal Nehru National Solar Mission.“Rajasthan would be able to become leading state of the country in electricity generation from solar power in the coming years”.

Right to Walk.

Pedestrians in India are a neglected lot. The cruel ignorance for their rights is evident from the fact that there isn’t a single law, legislation, rule or code that voices their rights and gives them the much needed legal platform. This is not to say that a valid law will necessarily make a pedestrian’s battle against the authorities any easier. The time, the money and the effort that go into a legal battle, as is well-documented, do act as challenges for a pedestrian raising his/her voice against a denial of his/her rights.
So this is why we see pedestrians, choosing to risk their lives on a daily basis by walking alongside fast-moving cars and ominous buses instead of fighting for decent and walkable footpaths. The risk to life isn’t just a myth; statistics suggest that more than 45% of all accidents that take place in the city are pedestrian-related.
There are many aspects in the pedestrian environment that contribute to the overall concept of a walkable community. Walking could be a enjoyable activity and would definitely go a long way in reducing air pollution in our city. People walk everywhere – from home to work, to shop, to school, and to the park. Every trip by car or bus or other mode starts and ends with walking.
Is Walking a major mode of transportation? If this is so then the pedestrians also have the right to have a decent place to walk….

Shinto Varghese

PANCHAMI

Panchami is the name of the Self Help Group of the Scheduled Tribes in India. This is the first of its kind in India. With the help of the Central Government 700 crores will be spent for the pilot projects. Kerala Pulayar Maha Sabha (KPMS) which was friendly with Left government had turned to Congress party. They have decided to show their strength in the political bargaining.
The administrative office and training centre is coming up in Cherthala near bypass. The panchami will be divided into zones. They are planning to set up six super markets, food processing units, production units, IT centers, B.Ed and B.Fam schools, printing units, fourteen LPG centers, fourteen petrol pumps, 5 garment units, 10 medical stores, 5 automobile workshops, 10 coffee shops, beauty parlours, tourism heritage centers, 10 flats, apartments.
All these projects will be completed within five years. Ms. Sonia Gandhi has promised her support for the projects.
This is the era of self help groups. They have showed their power to build the community and empower them. With various reasons the groups have gained the bargaining power.
Good luck to PANCHAMI.

Shinto Varghese

The NGO has developed over 50 organic products

The National Centre for Organic Farming, under the Union Ministry of Agriculture, has selected an Angamaly-based non-governmental organisation (NGO), Sevashram, as a service provider under the National Project on Organic Farming.
Each service provider is expected to bring at least 1,500 farmers and 1,000 hectares of land under the certification mechanism.
Small and marginal farmers who associate closely with Sevashram are now being assisted under the Internal Control System (ICS) to obtain organic certification from INDOCERT, an internationally accredited certifying agency.
At present, groups of farmers willing to introduce organic farming practices are being organised in clusters in five places.
Sevashram has promoted a public limited company, Swasraya Organic Products Ltd., incorporated under the Companies Act, 1956. The share capital of the company is Rs. 25 million. All assets acquired by Sevashram over the years are converted as the share capital.
Sevashram has developed over 50 organic products. Kerasyam is its coconut-oil brand said to be free of carbon and sulphur. It is certified by the Quality Testing Laboratory of the Coconut Development Board of the Ministry. Extraction, filtering and packing without the use of preservatives ensures purity, says Sevashram president K. Mampally.
Sevashram has set up a Swasraya food park and developed a network of shops as outlets. The park at Angamaly has a food stall, organic food store and fresh-food parlour. This apart, Sevashram has developed a network of shops for the sale of its organic products.
At present, 200 shops are included in this marketing chain.
Sevashram is also developing a marketing network known as Jaiwa Sahodaryam. The objective of the scheme is to ensure availability of quality goods for everyday use at reasonable prices.
Sevashram is developing a network of five Swasraya gramams, with the one at North Thuravoor panchayat designed to operate as the hub. The others are at Vechoor in Kottayam, Maruthorvattom in Alappuzha, Cherai in Ernakulam and Cheruvaloor in Thrissur districts.

Illiteracy = India

India still has the largest number of illiterate adults in the world, but has made "rapid advances" in cutting down the numbers of school drop outs, a new UN report on education has said.
The Education For All Global Monitoring Report, released on Wednesday finds that out of the total 759 million illiterate adults in the world, India still has the highest number.
" Bangladesh, China, India and Pakistan has over half of the illiterate adults live in just four countries:," the report said, adding the progress has been "painfully slow" and threatens to obstruct the Millennium Development Goals.
It said about 72 million primary school age children and another 71 million adolescents are not at school, and on current trends, 56 million primary school age children will still be out of school in 2015.
UNESCO's top official Irina Bokova said the world body was apprehensive that the financial crisis would cause governments to scale back funding on education.
Are we ashamed of our illiterate brothers and sisters???

Shinto Varghese

Saturday, January 30, 2010

Munnar Demolished?
The state government said that a master plan to turn Munnar into planned tourist destination will soon be ready, and the tourist activities in the hill station will be run. by the state government, Thursday.304 acres of land that was seized by the state will be used for tourism activities and would be run by the government,' Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan told reporters after leading a sub-committee of his cabinet here to discuss the issue of distributing land to the landless.

In March last year Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan gave orders to seize the land that was encroached upon by the tourism mafia in Munnar. In the operations that were launched last year, by now in Idukki district the state seized 16,000 acres. The state has decided to hand over 1,662 acres of land in Munnar to the landless, which includes adivasis (tribal), plantation workers and others. This land would be distributed in three months' time. For this extra officials will be deputed and the land will be distributed in phases.

Munnar is a picturesque hill station bordering Tamil Nadu. Over the years on account of the huge arrival of tourists into Munnar, various resorts had flourished here which has led to large-scale environment problems. In the operations launched in Munnar since March last year, more than a dozen plush resorts have been razed and reports indicate that four dozen more resorts would be razed soon. There will be five more special squads formed to speed up the cases against the encroachers.

The land where the buildings were demolished will be used again by building another structure, which means unnecessary destruction and wastage of money. This messy situation will continue for a long time as our state is going to implement the tourism plans.

Munnar…..Get Well Sooon

Shinto Varghese

Our crimes against our children

In 2007, the Union Ministry of Women and Child Development released the thoughtful —and terrifying — Study on Child Abuse in India. More than 12,000 children were polled to arrive at an empirical picture of the scale of beatings and sexual crimes that Indian children endure. Fifty-three per cent of the children said they had encountered “one or more forms of sexual abuse;” 68.99 per cent said they had suffered physical abuse, including beatings. More than a fifth reported severe sexual abuse, including assault, having been compelled to fondle adults’ private parts, exhibit themselves or be photographed nude. Well over half of those reporting severe sexual abuse were boys, the study found.
Popular wisdom holds that sexual abuse takes place when children are in environments outside the supposedly safe confines of their homes and schools. That, the study found, was simply not true. Fifty-three per cent of children not going to school said they had been sexually abused in their family environment. Just under half said they had encountered sexual abuse at their schools. These figures, interestingly, were about the same as children in institutional care who said they had been sexually abused — 47.08 per cent. Most vulnerable were children in workplaces, 61.31 per cent of whom had been sexually abused.
Boys in all but four of 13 States — Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Goa — were found to be more at risk of sexual abuse than girls. In Delhi, a staggering 65.6 per cent of the boys reported that they had been sexually abused.
Most at risk of serious sexual abuse, the study found, were children between 11 and 18 — although the group between six and 10 also reported significant levels of assault. Analysed by age group, the study states, sexual abuse was reported by “63.64 per cent child respondents in the age group of 15-18 years, 52.43 per cent in the age group of 13-14 years and 42.06 per cent in the age group of 5-12 years.” Assam, Delhi and Andhra Pradesh were found to have the highest levels of sexual abuse, with Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Goa recording the lowest.
We know, from separate studies, that the use of children in prostitution is also widespread. In their 2005 study, Trafficking in Women and Children in India, S. Sen and P.M. Nair estimated that there are up to half-a-million girl children from across the South Asian region working as prostitutes in India.
Elsewhere in the world, the existence of well-functioning justice mechanisms — and an open public debate on child sexual abuse — seems to have helped contain the problem to at least some extent. In the United Kingdom, a 2000 study by the National Study for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children found that about 16 per cent of children experienced sexual abuse before the age of 16. In the United States, one in four girls and one in six boys reported similar experiences. Horrific as these figures are, they are still well below the levels the Government of India’s study suggests are prevalent in our country.
Victims of violence
Depressingly, sexual abuse is only part of a wider gamut of violence. Sixty-nine per cent of the children polled reported having been physically abused — a term the authors of the Study defined as behaviour manifesting itself in kicking, slapping or corporal punishment at homes, schools, institutions and workplaces. In all the 13 States covered by the study, the incidence of physical abuse directed at children was above 50 per cent — a sign of just how widespread and legitimate the use of force is considered across the country. More than 80 per cent of children in Assam, Mizoram, Delhi and Uttar Pradesh reported physical abuse.
Most of the victims of physical abuse, the Study found, were very young children. Forty-eight per cent of the respondents who reported physical abuse were between five and 12 years old, while 26.29 per cent were 13 or 14. Older children, aged between 15 and 18, seemed to be targeted less for violence; just over a quarter reported encountering abuse. Boys reported encountering violence more often than girls in all States except Gujarat and Kerala. “In all age groups, an overwhelming majority of children (65.01%) reported being beaten at school, which means that two out of three children are victims of corporal punishment.”
The findings of the Study, its authors noted, were broadly corroborated by several other independent studies. Maulana Azad Medical College researcher Deepti Pagare found that over three-fourths of children in Delhi’s Child Observation Home had reported being subjected to physical abuse. Signs of abuse were found on the bodies of about half the children studied by Dr. Pagare. Fathers made up over half the reported perpetrators, and Dr. Pagare found a significant association between physical abuse of children and domestic violence in homes as well as substance abuse. Save the Children and Tulir, in a 2006 study conducted in West Bengal, found that almost three-quarters of child domestic workers had been physically abused. In 41.5 per cent of cases, the perpetrator was a member of the employers’ family.
What needs to be done? For one, India’s criminal justice system simply doesn’t have either the legal instruments or police infrastructure to deal with crimes against children. Despite calls from campaigners and child-rights groups, India is yet to pass a specific law on child sexual abuse — a legislative failure that makes prosecution in many situations almost impossible. Early this year, Punjab and Haryana High Court judges Mukul Mudgal and Jasbir Singh announced that they intended considering guidelines for the prosecution of child abuse cases. However, thoroughgoing criminal justice reforms will be needed for such efforts to yield results. Just 0.034 per cent of the Plan expenditure in 2006-2007 — an appalling figure — was committed to child protection.
In 1974, the National Policy for Children declared children a “supreme national asset.” No country in which two-thirds of children report beatings, and half experience sexual abuse, can make that claim with honesty. We must rip away the shrouds of silence that conceal the sheer pervasiveness of child abuse in our society. Our silence and inaction against the paedophiles in our homes, schools and neighbourhoods make us complicit in the horrific crimes being perpetrated against our children.

NREGA: Dismantling the contractor raj

NREGA: Dismantling the contractor raj
Once upon a time, rural employment programmes in Orissa (or for that matter in much of India) were safely in the hands of private contractors and their political masters. The game was roughly as follows. Private contractors were the direct recipients of “work orders,” and of the corresponding funds. They made money by submitting fudged “muster rolls,” with inflated employment and wage figures. A substantial part of the loot was recycled through the so-called “PC” (percentage) system, whereby various functionaries received fixed percentages of the amounts released. The contractors also had to pay tribute to their political bosses, for whom these funds came handy during election campaigns. This is the sort of situation that led P. Sainath to say that “everybody loves a good drought” — the peak season for rural employment programmes. Labourers, for their part, worked hard and earned a pittance.
The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) was supposed to bring about a radical change in this state of affairs. Under NREGA, rural labourers have a legal entitlement not only to work on demand but also to minimum wages. To prevent corruption, a wide range of transparency safeguards has been built into the Act. For instance, muster rolls are supposed to be kept at the worksite, displayed at the Panchayat Bhawan, and read out in public at the time of wage payments. Employment and wage details also have to be entered in the labourers’ “Job Cards”, to enable them to verify the records for themselves. Contractors are banned.
In some States, there is evidence of substantial progress in this transition towards a transparent and accountable system. In Rajasthan, for instance, contractors have virtually disappeared from NREGA and mass fudging of muster rolls is a thing of the past. Andhra Pradesh is also making rapid strides in this direction through strict record-keeping, institutionalised social audits and the payment of wages through Post Offices. In a recent survey of Surjguja and Koriya districts (Chhattisgarh), we found that in gram panchayat works, 95 per cent of the wages paid according to the muster rolls had actually reached the labourers concerned. This is a major achievement, especially in contrast with the situation just two years ago when a similar survey in the same area had uncovered evidence of massive fraud in the National Food For Work Programme.
However, the same transition is proving quite slow in some other States. A recent survey of NREGA in western Orissa, for instance, suggests that the “contractor raj” is alive (if not well) in this region. This survey, initiated by the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute at Allahabad University, was conducted from 3-12 October 2007 by students of the Delhi University in collaboration with local volunteers. Thirty randomly-selected gram panchayats, spread over three districts (Bolangir, Boudh and Kalahandi), were studied. The survey included careful verification of “muster rolls” for one randomly-selected NREGA work in each of these gram panchayats.
The survey points to a quiet sabotage of the transparency safeguards aimed at perpetuating the traditional system of extortion in rural employment programmes. Before elaborating, a few words about how NREGA works in Orissa may be useful. To keep things simple, the main focus here is on works implemented by the gram panchayats (these account for the bulk of NREGA funds in Orissa). At the gram panchayat level, the main responsibility for implementing NREGA works lies with the Panchayat Executive Officer (PEO). In some panchayats, the PEOs are assisted by Gram Rozgar Sevaks, but they are yet to be appointed in most cases. Another key actor is the Village Labour Leader (VLL), who is supposed to be selected by the gram sabha for the purpose of “supervising” a specific worksite.
The role of the VLL is actually in transition. The VLL concept goes back to the Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana (SGRY), a predecessor of NREGA. At that time, the VLL was a de facto contractor. He or she received the work orders, spent the funds, arranged the works, and filled the muster rolls. Under NREGA, funds are routed through the panchayat and the VLL is supposed to be a mere worksite supervisor, who earns wages at the same rate as other labourers. In practice, however, the post of VLL continues to act as a convenient foothold for the contractors. In many of the sample gram panchayats, the VLL was a small-time contractor or an agent of local contractors. In about half of the 30 sample worksites, the survey team found evidence that a contractor was involved in this or other ways.
The breakdown of the transparency safeguards is well illustrated by the fate of the Job Card. The main purpose of the Job Card is to enable NREGA labourers to verify their own employment and wage details. In Orissa, however, this purpose has been defeated from the start due to the faulty design of the Job Card. For instance, there is no column for “wages paid” in the card, making it impossible for workers to verify their wage payments. Even the number of days worked is hard to verify, as the names of the labourer and worksite have been replaced by numerical codes. To decipher a labourer’s code, one has to refer to the first page of the Job Card, which is often in English! The meaning of the worksite code, for its part, is anyone’s guess. In this and other ways, the Job Card is virtually unreadable, even for trained investigators — let alone semi-literate labourers.
The fate of muster rolls is not much better. In most of the sample gram panchayats, it was observed that various “adjustments” in the muster rolls had become routine practice. For instance, a worker without a Job Card is often accommodated by “clubbing” his or her wages with those of someone who has a Job Card under the latter’s name. Similarly, team work performed under the piece-rate system is often recorded under the name of the team leader alone. Sometimes, adjustments are also made to meet the requirements of the online Monitoring and Information System (MIS). These and related practices, well-intentioned as they might be in some cases, open the door to further “adjustments” that serve different purposes. In fact, the pressure to make adjustments in some circumstances (e.g. meeting the requirements of the MIS) seems to have become a handy cover for fraudulent practices, such as inflating the wage payments and pocketing the difference.
The bottom line is that the records are virtually unverifiable. Job Cards have become symbolic documents, and almost any discrepancy in the muster rolls can be justified in the name of “adjustments.” In this opaque environment, contractors have a field day. The extent of the loot is hard to estimate, given the near unverifiability of the muster rolls, but the “PC system” provides some useful clues. According to fairly reliable sources (including several contractors), the PC system — where it applies — absorbs about 20 to 25 per cent of NREGA funds in the sample Blocks. The “profit” of the contractors, for its part, appears to be of the order of 10 to 15 per cent. This suggests that 30 to 40 per cent of NREGA funds are siphoned off in this area.
The silver lining is that, even in Orissa, the traditional system of extortion seems to be finding it harder and harder to survive. In fact, contractors are not particularly happy with NREGA; vulnerable as it may be, the system has become more difficult for them to control. They are apprehensive of a possible tightening of the checks and balances, and have started fading away in some places (in almost half of the sample gram panchayats, there was no evidence of their involvement).
In some of the sample gram panchayats (notably in the Boudh District), corruption levels in NREGA are already much lower, by all accounts, than in earlier employment programmes such as SGRY and the National Food For Work Programme. Strict implementation of the transparency safeguards is the best way to accelerate this process of “phasing out” of the traditional system of corruption.
This story would be incomplete without a mention of the tremendous potential of NREGA in the survey areas. Where work was available, it was generally found that workers earned close to (and sometimes more than) the statutory minimum wage of Rs 70 per day, and that wages were paid within 15 days or so. This is an unprecedented opportunity for the rural poor, and there was evident appreciation of it among casual labourers and other disadvantaged sections of the population. Some of them even hoped that NREGA would enable them to avoid long-distance seasonal migration, with all its hardships.
Further, there is plenty of scope for productive NREGA works in this area, whether it is in the field of water conservation, rural connectivity, regeneration of forest land, or improvement of private agricultural land. The challenges involved in “making NREGA work” should always be seen in the light of these long-term possibilities, and their significance for the rural poor.

Chronic Hunger and the Status of Women in India

Chronic Hunger and the Status of Women in India
India, with a population of 989 million, is the world's second most populous country. Of that number, 120 million are women who live in poverty.Over 70 percent of India's population currently derive their livelihood from land resources, which includes 84 percent of the economically-active women.
India is one of the few countries where males significantly outnumber females, and this imbalance has increased over time. India's maternal mortality rates in rural areas are among the world's highest. From a global perspective, Indian accounts for 19 percent of all lives births and 27 percent of all maternal deaths.
"There seems to be a consensus that higher female mortality between ages one and five and high maternal mortality rates result in a deficit of females in the population. Chatterjee (1990) estimates that deaths of young girls in India exceed those of young boys by over 300,000 each year, and every sixth infant death is specifically due to gender discrimination." Of the 15 million baby girls born in India each year, nearly 25 percent will not live to see their 15th birthday.
"Although India was the first country to announce an official family planning program in 1952, its population grew from 361 million in 1951 to 844 million in 1991. India's total fertility rate of 3.8 births per woman can be considered moderate by world standards, but the sheer magnitude of population increase has resulted in such a feeling of urgency that containment of population growth is listed as one of the six most important objectives in the Eighth Five-Year Plan."
Since 1970, the use of modern contraceptive methods has risen from 10 percent to 40 percent, with great variance between northern and southern India. The most striking aspect of contraceptive use in India is the predominance of sterilization, which accounts for more than 85 percent of total modern contraception use, with female sterilization accounting for 90 percent of all sterilizations.
The Indian constitution grants women equal rights with men, but strong patriarchal traditions persist, with women's lives shaped by customs that are centuries old. In most Indian families, a daughter is viewed as a liability, and she is conditioned to believe that she is inferior and subordinate to men. Sons are idolized and celebrated. May you be the mother of a hundred sons is a common Hindu wedding blessing.
The origin of the Indian idea of appropriate female behavior can be traced to the rules laid down by Manu in 200 B.C.: "by a young girl, by a young woman, or even by an aged one, nothing must be done independently, even in her own house". "In childhood a female must be subject to her father, in youth to her husband, when her lord is dead to her sons; a woman must never be independent."
Women Are Malnourished
The exceptionally high rates of malnutrition in South Asia are rooted deeply in the soil of inequality between men and women.Nutritional deprivation has two major consequences for women: they never reach their full growth potential and anaemia. Both are risk factors in pregnancy, with anaemia ranging from 40-50 percent in urban areas to 50-70 percent in rural areas. This condition complicates childbearing and result in maternal and infant deaths, and low birth weight infants.
Women Are in Poor Health
Surviving through a normal life cycle is a resource-poor woman's greatest challenge.A primary way that parents discriminate against their girl children is through neglect during illness. When sick, little girls are not taken to the doctor as frequently as are their brothers. A study in Punjab shows that medical expenditures for boys are 2.3 times higher than for girls.
As adults, women get less health care than men. They tend to be less likely to admit that they are sick and they'll wait until their sickness has progressed before they seek help or help is sought for them. Studies on attendance at rural primary health centers reveal that more males than females are treated in almost all parts of the country, with differences greater in northern hospitals than southern ones, pointing to regional differences in the value placed on women. Women's socialization to tolerate suffering and their reluctance to be examined by male personnel are additional constraints in their getting adequate health care.
Maternal Mortality
India's maternal mortality rates in rural areas are among the highest in the world.A factor that contributes to India's high maternal mortality rate is the reluctance to seek medical care for pregnancy - it is viewed as a temporary condition that will disappear. The estimates nationwide are that only 40-50 percent of women receive any antenatal care. Evidence from the states of Bihar, Rajasthan, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat find registration for maternal and child health services to be as low as 5-22 percent in rural areas and 21-51 percent in urban areas.
Job Impact on Maternal Health
Working conditions result in premature and stillbirths.
The tasks performed by women are usually those that require them to be in one position for long periods of time, which can adversely affect their reproductive health. A study in a rice-growing belt of coastal Maharashtra found that 40 percent of all infant deaths occurred in the months of July to October. The study also found that a majority of births were either premature or stillbirths. The study attributed this to the squatting position that had to be assumed during July and August, the rice transplanting months.
Impact of Pollution on Women
Women's health is further harmed by air and water pollution and lack of sanitation.
The impact of pollution and industrial wastes on health is considerable. In Environment, Development and the Gender Gap, Sandhya Venkateswaran asserts that "the high incidence of malnutrition present amongst women and their low metabolism and other health problems affect their capacity to deal with chemical stress. The smoke from household biomass (made up of wood, dung and crop residues) stoves within a three-hour period is equivalent to smoking 20 packs of cigarettes. For women who spend at least three hours per day cooking, often in a poorly ventilated area, the impact includes eye problems, respiratory problems, chronic bronchitis and lung cancer. One study quoted by WHO in 1991 found that pregnant women cooking over open biomass stoves had almost a 50 percent higher chance of stillbirth.
Anaemia makes a person more susceptible to carbon monoxide toxicity, which is one of the main pollutants in the biomass smoke. Given the number of Indian women who are anaemic - 25 to 30 percent in the reproductive age group and almost 50 percent in the third trimester - this adds to their vulnerability to carbon monoxide toxicity.
Additionally, with an increasing population, diseases caused by waste disposal, such as hookworm, are rampant. People who work barefooted are particularly susceptible, and it has been found that hookworm is directly responsible for the high percentage of anaemia among rural women.
Women Are Uneducated
Women and girls receive far less education than men, due both to social norms and fears of violence.India has the largest population of non-school-going working girls.
India's constitution guarantees free primary school education for both boys and girls up to age 14. This goal has been repeatedly reconfirmed, but primary education in India is not universal. Overall, the literacy rate for women is 39 percent versus 64 percent for men. The rate for women in the four large northern states - Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh - is lower than the national average: it was 25 percent in 1991. Attendance rates from the 1981 census suggest that no more than 1/3 of all girls (and a lower proportion of rural girls) aged 5-14 are attending school.
Although substantial progress has been achieved since India won its independence in 1947, when less than 8 percent of females were literate, the gains have not been rapid enough to keep pace with population growth: there were 16 million more illiterate females in 1991 than in 1981.
Women Are Overworked
Women work longer hours and their work is more arduous than men's. Still, men report that "women, like children, eat and do nothing."
Hours worked
Women work roughly twice as many as many hours as men.
Women's contribution to agriculture - whether it be subsistence farming or commercial agriculture - when measured in terms of the number of tasks performed and time spent, is greater than men. "The extent of women's contribution is aptly highlighted by a micro study conducted in the Indian Himalayas which found that on a one-hectare farm, a pair of bullocks works 1,064 hours, a man 1,212 hours and a woman 3,485 hours in a year."
The invisibility of women's work
Women's work is rarely recognized.
Many maintain that women's economic dependence on men impacts their power within the family. With increased participation in income-earning activities, not only will there be more income for the family, but gender inequality should be reduced. This issue is particularly salient in India because studies show a very low level of female participation in the labor force. This under-reporting is attributed to the frequently held view that women's work is not economically productive.
In a report of the National Commission on Self-Employed Women and Women in the Informal Sector, the director of social welfare in one state said, "There are no women in any unorganized sector in our state." When the Commission probed and asked, "Are there any women who go to the forest to collect firewood? Do any of the women in rural areas have cattle?" the director responded with, "Of course, there are many women doing that type of work." Working women are invisible to most of the population.
If all activities - including maintenance of kitchen gardens and poultry, grinding food grains, collecting water and firewood, etc. - are taken into account, then 88 percent of rural housewives and 66 percent of urban housewives can be considered as economically productive.
Women Are Mistreated
Violence against women and girls is the most pervasive human rights violation in the world today.
Opening the door on the subject of violence against the world's females is like standing at the threshold of an immense dark chamber vibrating with collective anguish, but with the sounds of protest throttled back to a murmur. Where there should be outrage aimed at an intolerable status quo there is instead denial, and the largely passive acceptance of ‘the way things are.'
Male violence against women is a worldwide phenomenon. Although not every woman has experienced it, and many expect not to, fear of violence is an important factor in the lives of most women. It determines what they do, when they do it, where they do it, and with whom. Fear of violence is a cause of women's lack of participation in activities beyond the home, as well as inside it. Within the home, women and girls may be subjected to physical and sexual abuse as punishment or as culturally justified assaults. These acts shape their attitude to life, and their expectations of themselves.
The insecurity outside the household is today the greatest obstacle in the path of women. Conscious that, compared to the atrocities outside the house, atrocities within the house are endurable, women not only continued to accept their inferiority in the house and society, but even called it sweet.
In recent years, there has been an alarming rise in atrocities against women in India. Every 26 minutes a woman is molested. Every 34 minutes a rape takes place. Every 42 minutes a sexual harassment incident occurs. Every 43 minutes a woman is kidnapped. And every 93 minutes a woman is burnt to death over dowry.One-quarter of the reported rapes involve girls under the age of 16 but the vast majority are never reported. Although the penalty is severe, convictions are rare.
Child Marriages
Child marriages keep women subjugated.A 1976 amendment to the Child Marriage Restraint Act raised the minimum legal age for marriage from 15 to 18 for young women and from 18 to 21 for young men. However, in many rural communities, illegal child marriages are still common. In some rural areas, nearly half the girls between 10 and 14 are married. Because there is pressure on women to prove their fertility by conceiving as soon as possible after marriage, adolescent marriage is synonymous with adolescent childbearing: roughly 10-15 percent of all births take place to women in their teens.
Divorce
Divorce is rare - it is a considered a shameful admission of a woman's failure as a wife and daughter-in-law. In 1990, divorced women made up a miniscule 0.08 percent of the total female population.
Maintenance rights of women in the case of divorce are weak. Although both Hindu and Muslim law recognize the rights of women and children to maintenance, in practice, maintenance is rarely set at a sufficient amount and is frequently violated.
Both Hindu and Muslim personal laws fail to recognize matrimonial property. Upon divorce, women have no rights to their home or to other property accumulated during marriage; in effect, their contributions to the maintenance of the family and accumulation of family assets go unrecognized and unrewarded.
Inheritance
Women's rights to inheritance are limited and frequently violated.In the mid-1950s the Hindu personal laws, which apply to all Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs and Jains, were overhauled, banning polygamy and giving women rights to inheritance, adoption and divorce. The Muslim personal laws differ considerably from that of the Hindus, and permit polygamy. Despite various laws protecting women's rights, traditional patriarchal attitudes still prevail and are strengthened and perpetuated in the home.
Under Hindu law, sons have an independent share in the ancestral property. However, daughters' shares are based on the share received by their father. Hence, a father can effectively disinherit a daughter by renouncing his share of the ancestral property, but the son will continue to have a share in his own right. Additionally, married daughters, even those facing marital harassment, have no residential rights in the ancestral home.
Even the weak laws protecting women have not been adequately enforced. As a result, in practice, women continue to have little access to land and property, a major source of income and long-term economic security. Under the pretext of preventing fragmentation of agricultural holdings, several states have successfully excluded widows and daughters from inheriting agricultural land.
Women in Public Office (Revised May, 1999)
Panchayat Raj Institutions
Through the experience of the Indian Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRI) 1 million women have actively entered political life in India. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts, which guarantee that all local elected bodies reserve one-third of their seats for women, have spearheaded an unprecedented social experiment which is playing itself out in more than 500,000 villages that are home to more than 600 million people. Since the creation of the quota system, local women-the vast majority of them illiterate and poor-have come to occupy as much as 43% of the seats, spurring the election of increasing numbers of women at the district, provincial and national levels. Since the onset of PRI, the percentages of women in various levels of political activity have risen from 4-5% to 25-40%.
The PRI has also brought about significant transformations in the lives of women themselves, who have become empowered, and have gained self-confidence, political awareness and affirmation of their own identity. The panchayat villages have become political training grounds to women, many of them illiterate, who are now leaders in the village panchayats.
By asserting control over resources and officials and by challenging men, women are discovering a personal and collective power that was previously unimaginable. This includes women who are not themselves panchayat leaders, but who have been inspired by the work of their sisters; "We will not bear it," says one woman. Once we acquire some position and power, we will fight it out...The fact that the Panchayats will have a minimum number of women [will be used] for mobilizing women at large." It is this critical mass of unified and empowered women which will push forward policies that enforce gender equity into the future.

On agriculture, opposition to land acquisition and the parliamentary elections

Agriculture has long been perceived as a way of life in human societies. It has been organizing the social existence of a very large part of humanity over thousands of years. Being a way of living, it is not a sum total of production, consumption and distribution but a qualitatively different entity which includes production, consumption, and distribution of what society materially needs. Also as a way of life, agriculture puts human need under the control of its social and earthly existence.
The agricultural social existence means a harmonious communal existence. The knowledge of living doesn’t transmit through books or videos or anything alike in these societies; rather it is passed to the next generation spontaneously, through actions of people. Thus human social interaction is the central theme of sustenance in this communal existence. Aged people are respected there, as embodiment of knowledge. This communal existence is natural, spontaneous, for the sake of survival, and not an act of conscience or external consciousness. The past is very much present in agricultural social existence, and the future also, for the very same logic. It can not live for the moment, for the day, for the year. It visualizes life beyond death. Thus sustainability used to be organically linked to traditional agriculture. It is slow, apparently confined into the geological space where it exists.
The vision of the individual man is often constrained by his own life. Mortal lifespan compels him to acquire speed. Constrain of mortality seemed to have cast a huge shadow on political economy, which was also a driving force of the introduction of machines instead of tools. Capital has long been within the human societies, and commodities also, but capitalism found solid base with the transition to machines from tools. Machines and triumphant capitalism have a symbiotic relationship.
Political economy is thus shortsighted from its inception. It extracted the production part of agriculture from its social existence, defined the standard: ‘productivity’; and measured ‘agriculture’, just to find it lagging behind industry in its myopic vision of human progress. Nonetheless, victors determined the dominant vision.
Opposition to land acquisition
There should be no doubt about that the opposition to land acquisition is the most prominent all India movement in last 3-4 years in our country. And now, when we are on the brink of a parliamentary election, we are not seeing any parliamentary party trying to bank on this country-wide movement or carry the interest of the movement along with it.
The opposition to land acquisition, the opposition to industrialization from above, opposition to the forceful destruction of agriculture could not make a political slogan fit for parliamentary politics. Understandably, negation barely makes a parliamentary slogan. Parliamentary politics is deeply rooted in doing something for the people. To be more precise, the main discourse of the parliamentary politics is centralized, state sponsored initiative for the welfare of the people. People are supposed to choose their representatives and these representatives will work for the people for next five years. This idea is further cut short by the Party system, where party manipulates the representation, and the whole parliamentary system assists Parties in this endeavor. Thus the theme of the parliamentary kind of politics is ‘how to govern the people’ and may read as ‘how to solve people’s problems (as perceived by us)’ if you look at the left corner of it. The left slogans may sound like `guarantee of 100 days work’ or may be `full employment’ if you hear the farthest left corner of it. Thus Parliamentary system is 1) detached from people, and it 2) provides prescription for the ‘greater common good’. It has a very little space for people’s negation.
The tale of crisis and beyond
Independence forced our country to a capitalist parliamentary prescription (of predominant mode of production): growth led by heavy industry and industrial agriculture. It was being practiced worldwide at that time, including in so called socialist USSR. A typical leftist ‘land to tiller’ kind of reform in land relation was also conceived as a supplement to this prescription. Employment had become the buzzword among laboring masses. Everybody was supposed to become a worker. This model of social engine lost its vigour as early as late sixties, worldwide. Industrial agriculture has also started to show crisis.
This structural crisis of capitalist system was perceived by the labouring masses (or, social labour, as an abstraction) as the ‘end of the dream of employment’. In fact, the so called third world was never apt in making the western prescription a reality, but a dream was there. Perhaps, the stormy seventies exhibited a frustration of ‘the end of dream’.
Marx argued in 1844 that when capitalist system was in crisis the labour ‘would die’. But social labour responded differently this time. It started to chalk out a survival strategy on its own. The rise of so called informal sectors (self employment, micro production and distribution unit and so on) was witnessed worldwide. In countries like ours, this rise has got two special characters:
a) rising confidence and thinking positively about this sector by social labour, as it was already there (but the number grown significantly in eighties and later);
b) this sector has a strong backward linkage with agriculture, sometimes, an extension to it. While talking with women in Nandigram, we were told that they had their own industry, of stitching, embroidery… A community garment industry is the dominant feature of Nandigram households. And they are peasants at the same time. In other areas also one could find peasant households engaged in other income generating activities but they don’t consider themselves workers. Thus the crisis ridden industrial agriculture has also been redefined by social labour. It ceases to be the mainframe in rural areas, the absolute means of livelihood. In fact the idea of something to be the `absolute means of livelihood’ is put under scanner. Almost all the peasant families in our state are engaged in other income generation activities at the same time (I cannot cite any statistics, but my experience tells this). But agriculture remains to be the absolutely necessary part of the survival strategy chalked out by our social labour. Moreover, the agriculture historically provided society with knowledge necessary for managing itself sustainably.
However, the rise of this survival strategy didn’t go unnoticed by capital. It didn’t waste any time worldwide to grab this self managed social space created by social labour [i]. It jumped to capitalize it, destroy it. All the capitalist industries started informalization, contractual system of work. Globalization is arguably a politico-economic process of capitalization (commercialization, standardization, and even destruction if it doesn’t accept) of the social space created by social labour, a bid to restructure itself for going out of crisis. Land acquisition is part of this capitalist endeavor.
If viewed from this perspective, the great all-India resistance to land acquisition is the manifestation of fierce opposition of the changed face of social labour (one must note the demise of once glorious workers movement, especially in factories). It is not a peasant movement, but derives knowledge from it (as the survival strategy derives knowledge from agricultural traditions).
Some notable characteristics of the resistance movement by social labour
a) First of all it rejected the holistic view of development. Peasants were not in a position to lose their fortunes for the benefit of the projected majority (a literally false, treacherous projection), or the so called development of the country. They refused to put the `national interest’ above their own interest. Thus parties that sell nationalism couldn’t penetrate into the movement. (Actually selling nationalism makes it a commodity. You can only sell it or consume, being a Congress Party Boss or an alienated India-Pak Cricket Match hungry fellow. Peasants calculated selfishly, and totally abstained.)
b) They rejected the leftist version of development also. “Development” has been canvassed by the leftists as an employment generator, a material gain. But the peasantry didn’t go by this theory though it appeals to their materialistic self. Rather they went by the direct experience they had from the past decades, where big industry didn’t provide them a sustainable way of life, in terms of earning, as well as in terms of consumption. They noticed that non-efficient labour which they can provide in big industry was vulnerable, and there was no guarantee of that job. Also, they can not live a life around an industrial zone with dignity. They would be banished. So the selfish peasantry again acted.
c) The movement is over once the discontent is spectacularly exhibited. This is another characteristic of this movement. Thus it refused the revolutionary forces also, who wish to build organization depending on the popular outbreak. The ideal example may be the case of Nandigram, where the peasantry reacted in a most radical manner, virtually cutting out the specified zone of acquisition by digging trenches across the roads, thereby preventing the state machinery as well as ruling party cadres to enter into the villages. But it didn’t help the revolutionary forces to build organizations there. Peasantry simply refused to follow the traditional organizational forms for struggle. The occupational tendency was seen not only in Nandigram, but in Orissa (Posco case), Raigad and partly in Singur also, which also exhibited the aspiration to safeguard the self-created and managed survival strategies. Revolutionary politics majorly overlooked the recomposition of social labour and its new subjectivity and failed to become a part of it, and perished. In case of Nandigram at least, people were more radical than revolutionaries for the first couple of weeks in January 2007, both in terms of form and content of resistance.
But the movements created an atmosphere of protest all over society. Any injustice would not be spared — the mood was set. Any kind of developmental work involving land acquisition was virtually stopped. It created an ambience of hope, a confidence for themselves among laboring masses. Social labour, already engaged in chalking out the survival strategy for itself on its own, seems to have reckoned itself politically. However, any further articulation, depending on the ideological extension, be it a revolution, or a movement against globalization, or a `neo-fascist’ flavour, have been rejected. Nobody could win this movement till now.
Parliamentary Democracy
The parliamentary democracy, the basic and classical political unit responsible for recursive estrangement of social labour and thereby the most prominent agent of social reproduction of capital relation, is watching the resistance too. It must co-opt the resistance within its own framework. It must gallop the vitalities of laboring masses, in order to restructure itself, as well as to ossify the labouring people’s political reckoning and initiative, to vent away the anger. It must respond to what the Corporates call geopolitical reality. Parliamentary restructuring is their obligation
The peasants put any top to bottom initiative at stake. They have shown that without a theory from above, successful resistance to capital is possible. They made it clear that the articulation of anti capitalism and mass resistance to capital are two separate things today. Anti capitalism failed to deliver its unity initiative with the resistance to capital. It is time ripe for the anti capitalist and the socialist movements to look at themselves. The organic knowledge and the existence of non-capitalist space among the laboring masses and their rebuttal to obey capitalist order may be studied closely in order to reshape the full course of socialism. The historical knowledge of surviving a sustained capitalist crisis is with the social labor, not only some strategies of resistance. And let us not forget that socialism has irreversibly been linked, over the course of time, with the survival strategy of mankind.

Food for all? Not through the NFSA.

Indian President Pratibha Patil reiterated the government's resolve to bring in a National Food Security Act in a bid to provide every hungry family with 25 kg of foodgrains priced at Rs.3 a kilo After all, 62 years after Independence, the government finally makes a promise to feed the hungry nation. For the 320 million who are officially categorised as hungry, nothing could be more heartening. And for another 600 million, who are able to spend less than Rs.20 a day, there appeared to be some hope. And with the new government barely in the saddle, mandarins in the Food and Agriculture Ministry and in the Planning Commission have swung into action, working overtime to give shape to the promise made by Congress in its election manifesto.
Modelled on failure
Home to the world's largest hungry population, India has a record on hunger that is worse than that of nearly 25 sub-Saharan African countries. India is ranked 66th among 88 vulnerable countries in the Global Hunger Index prepared by the International Food Policy Research institute, and none of its States is categorised under 'low hunger' or 'moderate hunger category'. And let us not forget, the abysmally low ranking of India in the Global Hunger Index is despite the PDS. The scheme caters to 65 million families below the poverty line (BPL) and 115 million other families above the poverty line (APL), and is supposed to act as a safety net for the vulnerable sections of our society.
If you consider each family to comprise on average five persons, the PDS - on paper - meets the food requirement of 900 million people. If this is true, I see no reason why the country should have the largest population of hungry in the world. If the PDS had been even partially effective, there should have been no reason for Punjab - and for that matter Kerala, the best performing States in terms of hunger - to be ranked below Gabon, Honduras and Vietnam. Extending the same failed PDS to more families, or introducing a revamped PDS is therefore unlikely to make any meaningful difference to the plight of the hungry and malnourished.
But this is precisely what the new National Food Security Act (NFSA) proposes to do. Modelled along the lines of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, the Act does not see beyond the 'rights' of the poor, and is more or less blind to whether these rights are being protected by government schemes. The success of the NREGS itself is still debatable; we all know is mired in corruption and large-scale siphoning-off of funds intended for the unemployed poor. But that has not stopped the NFSA from being drawn on more or less on the same pattern.
On the price and quantity fronts too, the proposal is weak. At present, the government provides 35 kg of food grains, including wheat and rice, to 65.2 million families classified as living below the poverty line (BPL). These subsidised rations are made available at a price of Rs 4.15 per kg for wheat and Rs 5.65 per kg for rice. For the 24.3 million families classified under the Antyodya scheme (also part of the BPL category), the price of these grains is further reduced to Rs.2 for wheat and Rs.3 for rice. Thus, what the NFSA proposes is to provide the grains at an even lower price than in the past, but also in the process reduce the quantity of grain that is given through the subsidy.
By reducing the quantum of grains given, the National Food Security Act would therefore entail less financial burden on the government by an estimated Rs.5000 crores. And the food requirement would be drastically reduced from the existing 27 million tonnes to about 20 million tonnes, and the annual subsidy outgo would also be lowered. It surely is a win-win situation for the government. But how is this going to make an already underfed people able to eat more? That goal, it now appears, will remain a dream.
Zero Hunger
5-point programme to ensure Zero Hunger:
· Revive agriculture on the lines of sustainability, by restoring soil health and the natural resource base by bringing in low-external-input, sustainable farming practices.
· Provide farmers with a fixed monthly income, incorporating the minimum support price. For the poorest of the poor households receiving micro-finance, ensure that the interest rate is reduced from the existing 18-48 per cent to a maximum of 4 per cent.
· Disband PDS except for food entitlements for the Antyodya families. Replace this with Foodgrain Banks at the village level on the lines of the traditional gola system of food security still existing in Bihar and east India.
· Export of foodgrains should be allowed only when the country's total population is adequately fed.
· International trade, including Free Trade Agreements, should not be allowed to play havoc with domestic agriculture and food security.
All of this is possible, provided the political leadership demonstrates a vision to redesign agriculture, food processing, rural development, international trade and food security in an integrated manner.